In this thesis I examine processes of economic and social change and the ways in which they have transformed the small island community of Tubetube in Milne Bay Province, P.N.G. © 2018, Centro em Rede de Investigacao em Antropologia. We see that the structures which call for the local population’s participation provide the public with contexts of conviviality which can enhance the well-being of a small circle of local inhabitants. This reveals the diversity of routines and rupture in their day-to-day artistic work, practices and collaborative interactions. Accordingly, we try to shed light on the missions of each structure and community by means of ethnographic observation. The dynamism of cultural structures, their artist-directors, teams and publics, their spontaneous and informal networks, proximity and involvement all warrant more in-depth fieldwork. artistic contexts of collaborative art with the aim of extracting the meaning of what is locally relevant to these people. Cultural and artistic activities are now experienced as local heritage and they represent a great deal of collaborative work that goes beyond the more institutionalized recognition logic of culture. The opening of art and its structures to local communities has been helping to further the public’s involvement in culture and in the decisions made about it. Girard therefore should take into account his own statement in The Scapegoat: „If you try to prove too hard something, you prove nothing”. Actually the symbolism and the intention of both religious rituals are quite opposite. He then asserts that the religious rite, especially the sacrificial one, is the hidden repetition of the scapegoat and only results in sour victory over violence. But he confuses the sociological metaphor with the religious ritual. Girard posits as starting point of religion, ethics, etc., the 'scapegoat'. Author further examines the 'absolute theory' built on the basic conept. Girard, however, identifies mimetic desire with just one type, notably the paranoid one, the one which necessarily leads to violence.

It seems essential to introduce (clinically and anthropologically) four modalities of mimetic desire, involving four kinds of possible violence. Author then examines the basic concept: that of mimetic desire leading to violence. absolute theory of course cannot be verified but it may be falsified. The epistemological statute of this 'theory' seems difficult to identify: it is not philosophy, not clinical anthropology, perhaps a kind of cultural anthropology. Girard pretends to propose 'an absolute theory', which would explain the origin of religion, gods, rituals, ethical laws, schizophrenia, wars, etc. The author deals with Girard's major theoretical works, not his literary analyses. Examples from fieldwork and multidisciplinary projects in Statoil are used to address the points. Mainstream anthropology become fused with other useful conceptual and methodological tools in a way that makes it difficult to identify activities that are purely anthropological. Further, business practice recasts the concepts and techniques of anthropology in terms of business needs. The incorporated anthropologist will combine emic/etic perspectives the other way round to make it compatible with the local culture and it's needs. This perspective reverses an academic anthropological perspective and uses native organizational epistemology to criticize institutionalized anthropological assumptions. The most important goal is no longer an etic description, but a deeper emic understanding of local organizational phenomenon.

The last phase incorporation blurs the emic-etic distinction but can bring forth new dimensions and insights in academic anthropology and fieldwork practice. These roles can represent the local attitudes and expectations to anthropological knowledge. The role metaphors of a 'clown', 'jester', 'guru', 'fallen angel' and 'incorporated anthropologist' are discussed as ideal phases that an anthropologist might go through in his/her participatory fieldwork in an organizational setting. The mixture of ethnography and normative participation is regarded as the best suited method in an applied anthropological setting. The formal and informal attitudes and expectations in the setting make it necessary to help informants and is a necessary part of research to obtain 'backstage' information. In an applied organizational fieldwork setting the anthropologist's image transforms as a result of changing formal and informal attitudes and expectations.

Army of two masks jester